清華大學（後西醫）
111年
英文
第 41 題
📖 題組：
Reading 4
In analyzing the representation of white ethnic groups, it has been customary to use a framework I term responsive pluralism, which emphasizes the response of political elites to newly mobilized political forces that are demanding recognition. A key tenet of responsive pluralism is that all votes are equal and fungible. In other words, political elites---those with power---will entertain the possibility of a coalition with any group that possesses votes. In return for these votes, the elites will make available a stream of public goods in the form of patronage, symbolic recognition, and social services.
But for minorities, the situation is more complex and considerably less flattering to America’s preferred conception of its political traditions. Simply put, minorities have often faced constraints on their participation in the American polity due to their social and legal status. This situation has resulted in what I term stratified pluralism. As members of racial or other categories, they have often been defined out of the realm of full citizenship as it is usually understood in a democracy.
Blacks in particular could not vote for a long time so candidacies for office were not feasible. It was not until the democratic rights of citizenship were formally recognized by the polity that racial minorities could even compete as players in the electoral arena. Moreover, racism further hampered minority advancement even after the vote had been granted. In some cases, white voters simply refused to vote for minority candidates; in others, the elites themselves made it clear that they wished to limit or prevent minority representation. Minority votes were considered less desirable than white votes, and they were therefore less fungible as a commodity to be exchanged for public goods. Minorities were often incorporated into a dominant coalition only if a race-oriented agenda was abandoned by the minority leaders. As a consequence of stratified pluralism, widespread and efficacious minority officeholding has been the exception rather than the rule in U.S. history.
A group trying to elect representatives to office must use the electoral process to convert its demographic raw materials into positions of authority in government: in effect, the group tries to translate numbers into power. There is nothing automatic or mechanical about this process of conversion. It is conditioned by at least five distinct factors, each of which can intervene to prevent a group from being represented in office in relation to its proportion of the population: enfranchisement, mobilization, spatial concentration, favorable districts, and coalitions.
Reading 4
In analyzing the representation of white ethnic groups, it has been customary to use a framework I term responsive pluralism, which emphasizes the response of political elites to newly mobilized political forces that are demanding recognition. A key tenet of responsive pluralism is that all votes are equal and fungible. In other words, political elites---those with power---will entertain the possibility of a coalition with any group that possesses votes. In return for these votes, the elites will make available a stream of public goods in the form of patronage, symbolic recognition, and social services.
But for minorities, the situation is more complex and considerably less flattering to America’s preferred conception of its political traditions. Simply put, minorities have often faced constraints on their participation in the American polity due to their social and legal status. This situation has resulted in what I term stratified pluralism. As members of racial or other categories, they have often been defined out of the realm of full citizenship as it is usually understood in a democracy.
Blacks in particular could not vote for a long time so candidacies for office were not feasible. It was not until the democratic rights of citizenship were formally recognized by the polity that racial minorities could even compete as players in the electoral arena. Moreover, racism further hampered minority advancement even after the vote had been granted. In some cases, white voters simply refused to vote for minority candidates; in others, the elites themselves made it clear that they wished to limit or prevent minority representation. Minority votes were considered less desirable than white votes, and they were therefore less fungible as a commodity to be exchanged for public goods. Minorities were often incorporated into a dominant coalition only if a race-oriented agenda was abandoned by the minority leaders. As a consequence of stratified pluralism, widespread and efficacious minority officeholding has been the exception rather than the rule in U.S. history.
A group trying to elect representatives to office must use the electoral process to convert its demographic raw materials into positions of authority in government: in effect, the group tries to translate numbers into power. There is nothing automatic or mechanical about this process of conversion. It is conditioned by at least five distinct factors, each of which can intervene to prevent a group from being represented in office in relation to its proportion of the population: enfranchisement, mobilization, spatial concentration, favorable districts, and coalitions.
The author points out five factors which can intervene to prevent a group from being represented in office in relation to its proportion of the population. Which one of these factors refers to the right of suffrage?
- A Enfranchisement
- B Mobilization
- C Spatial concentration
- D Favorable districts
- E Coalitions
思路引導 VIP
如果我們先不看單字本身的意思，回頭觀察第三段開頭，作者提到少數族裔在進入選舉舞台前，最先面臨的法律與公民身分障礙是什麼？這個障礙剛好對應到第四段最後列出的五個因素中的哪一個概念呢？
🤖
AI 詳解
AI 專屬家教
答得非常精準！你不僅成功掌握了高階政治學詞彙的對應關係，也讀懂了文章前後段落的呼應。
政治學核心字彙與前後文呼應
題目詢問五個影響代表性的因素中，哪一個是指「投票權（the right of suffrage）」。我們可以先從字源切入，亦即選項 (A) 的 賦予公民權／投票權（enfranchisement），其字根 franchise 在政治語境中正是「選舉權、投票權」的意思。此外，對應文章第三段提到的「黑人長期無法投票，直到公民的民主權利被正式承認」，作者在第四段總結時，便將這個「獲得合法投票權」的首要條件歸納為第一個要素，因此 (A) 為最正確的選擇。
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