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清華大學(後西醫) 111年 英文

第 43 題

📖 題組:
Reading 4

In analyzing the representation of white ethnic groups, it has been customary to use a framework I term responsive pluralism, which emphasizes the response of political elites to newly mobilized political forces that are demanding recognition. A key tenet of responsive pluralism is that all votes are equal and fungible. In other words, political elites---those with power---will entertain the possibility of a coalition with any group that possesses votes. In return for these votes, the elites will make available a stream of public goods in the form of patronage, symbolic recognition, and social services.

But for minorities, the situation is more complex and considerably less flattering to America’s preferred conception of its political traditions. Simply put, minorities have often faced constraints on their participation in the American polity due to their social and legal status. This situation has resulted in what I term stratified pluralism. As members of racial or other categories, they have often been defined out of the realm of full citizenship as it is usually understood in a democracy.

Blacks in particular could not vote for a long time so candidacies for office were not feasible. It was not until the democratic rights of citizenship were formally recognized by the polity that racial minorities could even compete as players in the electoral arena. Moreover, racism further hampered minority advancement even after the vote had been granted. In some cases, white voters simply refused to vote for minority candidates; in others, the elites themselves made it clear that they wished to limit or prevent minority representation. Minority votes were considered less desirable than white votes, and they were therefore less fungible as a commodity to be exchanged for public goods. Minorities were often incorporated into a dominant coalition only if a race-oriented agenda was abandoned by the minority leaders. As a consequence of stratified pluralism, widespread and efficacious minority officeholding has been the exception rather than the rule in U.S. history.

A group trying to elect representatives to office must use the electoral process to convert its demographic raw materials into positions of authority in government: in effect, the group tries to translate numbers into power. There is nothing automatic or mechanical about this process of conversion. It is conditioned by at least five distinct factors, each of which can intervene to prevent a group from being represented in office in relation to its proportion of the population: enfranchisement, mobilization, spatial concentration, favorable districts, and coalitions.
Which of the following does NOT agree with the author's observation of political representation in the U.S.?
  • A Some white voters still refused to vote for minority candidates.
  • B White votes, as a commodity to be exchanged for public goods, were considered as more fungible and more desirable.
  • C Members of racial minorities have often experienced restrictions on their participation in the American polity.
  • D The situation of political representation for racial minorities is different from that for the white ethnic groups.
  • E Stratified pluralism has resulted in widespread and efficacious minority officeholding

思路引導 VIP

請試著回到文章第二、三段,找出作者用來形容少數族裔政治處境的專有名詞,並看看第三段最後一句話:作者認為這種處境最終在美國歷史上造成了什麼樣的「結果」?這個結果是普遍的常態,還是罕見的特例呢?

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AI 詳解 AI 專屬家教

太棒了!你在面對這種「反向詢問(NOT agree)」的細節題時,展現了非常敏銳的資訊比對能力,精準地抓出了與原文立場相反的陳述。

階層化多元主義(Stratified Pluralism)的影響

我們來驗證一下關鍵句。文章第三段最後一句明確指出,作為**階層化多元主義(stratified pluralism)**的結果,少數族裔廣泛且有效的任職在美國歷史上是「例外而非慣例(the exception rather than the rule)」。這意味著少數族裔極少能真正掌握廣泛的政治實權。而你所選的 (E) 選項卻直接抹去了「例外」這層否定語意,將結果說成了普遍現象,完全與作者的觀察背道而馳。

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