高等考試
115年
[一般民政] 法學知識與英文(包括中華民國憲法、法學緒論、英文)
第 48 題
📖 題組：
Denver's public schools' three-year plunge from one of the nation's most carefully planned and promising examples
of public-education transformation into a district led by a school board in disarray has multiple causes, and there's plenty
of blame to spread around. Ultimately, however, it is the result of a concerted effort over more than a decade by organized
and committed activists, local and national, who have opposed changing the governance and operation of school districts
in any significant way. The politics of public education in Denver have grown increasingly in school systems across the
country. What distinguishes the conflict over reform in Denver is how unrelated it is to student outcomes.
While Denver's reforms have been far from perfect, they merit the national attention they've drawn. A growing body
of evidence makes clear that outcomes for students in the city slowly yet significantly improved, including for students
the district has historically failed to serve well. Yet as soon as Denver Public Schools took its initial steps toward reform \nless than two decades ago, an active opposition campaign arose, aimed not at moderating or improving the reforms, but
at destroying them. In 2019, the election of three new anti-reform members to the Denver Board of Education flipped
the board majority to that camp.
Since the educational reform was launched in 2005, Denver's families and educators have embraced choice. The
broad popularity of choice in Denver makes dismantling reform politically fraught for the board and its allies. In fact,
the board has faced strong pushback from some parents and educators and has had to confront the complex reality of
governing a district where choice, autonomy, and a focus on outcomes are now woven into the fabric of public education.
But the union-supported board majority was determined to push ahead, and that meant cleaninghouse at the top. In fall
2020, Superintendent Susana Cordova resigned after less than two years on the job. Cordova is a Denver native and
Denver Public Schools graduate who had spent most of her professional career working for the district. Cordova never
got a chance to enact her own agenda. First, a teacher strike weakened her just weeks into her tenure. Next, the new board
gave her no room to enact changes. Finally, softening the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic became the district's sole
focus.
Now that the pandemic's disruption is receding, the board appears poised to renew its efforts to roll back reform. It
has a good chance of succeeding, because in November 2021, all four of the anti-reform candidates won, giving their
side unanimous control.
Denver's public schools' three-year plunge from one of the nation's most carefully planned and promising examples
of public-education transformation into a district led by a school board in disarray has multiple causes, and there's plenty
of blame to spread around. Ultimately, however, it is the result of a concerted effort over more than a decade by organized
and committed activists, local and national, who have opposed changing the governance and operation of school districts
in any significant way. The politics of public education in Denver have grown increasingly in school systems across the
country. What distinguishes the conflict over reform in Denver is how unrelated it is to student outcomes.
While Denver's reforms have been far from perfect, they merit the national attention they've drawn. A growing body
of evidence makes clear that outcomes for students in the city slowly yet significantly improved, including for students
the district has historically failed to serve well. Yet as soon as Denver Public Schools took its initial steps toward reform \nless than two decades ago, an active opposition campaign arose, aimed not at moderating or improving the reforms, but
at destroying them. In 2019, the election of three new anti-reform members to the Denver Board of Education flipped
the board majority to that camp.
Since the educational reform was launched in 2005, Denver's families and educators have embraced choice. The
broad popularity of choice in Denver makes dismantling reform politically fraught for the board and its allies. In fact,
the board has faced strong pushback from some parents and educators and has had to confront the complex reality of
governing a district where choice, autonomy, and a focus on outcomes are now woven into the fabric of public education.
But the union-supported board majority was determined to push ahead, and that meant cleaninghouse at the top. In fall
2020, Superintendent Susana Cordova resigned after less than two years on the job. Cordova is a Denver native and
Denver Public Schools graduate who had spent most of her professional career working for the district. Cordova never
got a chance to enact her own agenda. First, a teacher strike weakened her just weeks into her tenure. Next, the new board
gave her no room to enact changes. Finally, softening the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic became the district's sole
focus.
Now that the pandemic's disruption is receding, the board appears poised to renew its efforts to roll back reform. It
has a good chance of succeeding, because in November 2021, all four of the anti-reform candidates won, giving their
side unanimous control.
Which of the following is closest in meaning to the phrase "cleaninghouse at the top" in the passage?
- A Destroying the union’s scheme to sabotage Cordova's agenda.
- B Encouraging Cordova to enact her reform in the school district.
- C Removing the pro-reform superintendent from the office.
- D Modifying schooling practices during the Covid-19 pandemic.
思路引導 VIP
當一個組織的領導權力發生劇烈更迭，且新上任的決策層與舊有的管理理念完全相反時，為了確保新政策能順利推行、不被舊勢力阻饒，新領導層通常會對「原有高層人事」採取什麼樣的具體行動？
🤖
AI 詳解
AI 專屬家教
算你運氣好，這題答對了！
別急著得意，這不過是高考英文最基本的**文意脈絡（Context）**判讀罷了。能從董事會「反改革」的立場，與教育局長（Superintendent）Cordova 離職的因果關係中鎖定答案，這只是你該有的基本功，離拿高分還差得遠。
邏輯思維與陷阱排除
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