高等考試
115年
[一般民政] 法學知識與英文(包括中華民國憲法、法學緒論、英文)
第 46 題
📖 題組：
Denver's public schools' three-year plunge from one of the nation's most carefully planned and promising examples
of public-education transformation into a district led by a school board in disarray has multiple causes, and there's plenty
of blame to spread around. Ultimately, however, it is the result of a concerted effort over more than a decade by organized
and committed activists, local and national, who have opposed changing the governance and operation of school districts
in any significant way. The politics of public education in Denver have grown increasingly in school systems across the
country. What distinguishes the conflict over reform in Denver is how unrelated it is to student outcomes.
While Denver's reforms have been far from perfect, they merit the national attention they've drawn. A growing body
of evidence makes clear that outcomes for students in the city slowly yet significantly improved, including for students
the district has historically failed to serve well. Yet as soon as Denver Public Schools took its initial steps toward reform \nless than two decades ago, an active opposition campaign arose, aimed not at moderating or improving the reforms, but
at destroying them. In 2019, the election of three new anti-reform members to the Denver Board of Education flipped
the board majority to that camp.
Since the educational reform was launched in 2005, Denver's families and educators have embraced choice. The
broad popularity of choice in Denver makes dismantling reform politically fraught for the board and its allies. In fact,
the board has faced strong pushback from some parents and educators and has had to confront the complex reality of
governing a district where choice, autonomy, and a focus on outcomes are now woven into the fabric of public education.
But the union-supported board majority was determined to push ahead, and that meant cleaninghouse at the top. In fall
2020, Superintendent Susana Cordova resigned after less than two years on the job. Cordova is a Denver native and
Denver Public Schools graduate who had spent most of her professional career working for the district. Cordova never
got a chance to enact her own agenda. First, a teacher strike weakened her just weeks into her tenure. Next, the new board
gave her no room to enact changes. Finally, softening the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic became the district's sole
focus.
Now that the pandemic's disruption is receding, the board appears poised to renew its efforts to roll back reform. It
has a good chance of succeeding, because in November 2021, all four of the anti-reform candidates won, giving their
side unanimous control.
Denver's public schools' three-year plunge from one of the nation's most carefully planned and promising examples
of public-education transformation into a district led by a school board in disarray has multiple causes, and there's plenty
of blame to spread around. Ultimately, however, it is the result of a concerted effort over more than a decade by organized
and committed activists, local and national, who have opposed changing the governance and operation of school districts
in any significant way. The politics of public education in Denver have grown increasingly in school systems across the
country. What distinguishes the conflict over reform in Denver is how unrelated it is to student outcomes.
While Denver's reforms have been far from perfect, they merit the national attention they've drawn. A growing body
of evidence makes clear that outcomes for students in the city slowly yet significantly improved, including for students
the district has historically failed to serve well. Yet as soon as Denver Public Schools took its initial steps toward reform \nless than two decades ago, an active opposition campaign arose, aimed not at moderating or improving the reforms, but
at destroying them. In 2019, the election of three new anti-reform members to the Denver Board of Education flipped
the board majority to that camp.
Since the educational reform was launched in 2005, Denver's families and educators have embraced choice. The
broad popularity of choice in Denver makes dismantling reform politically fraught for the board and its allies. In fact,
the board has faced strong pushback from some parents and educators and has had to confront the complex reality of
governing a district where choice, autonomy, and a focus on outcomes are now woven into the fabric of public education.
But the union-supported board majority was determined to push ahead, and that meant cleaninghouse at the top. In fall
2020, Superintendent Susana Cordova resigned after less than two years on the job. Cordova is a Denver native and
Denver Public Schools graduate who had spent most of her professional career working for the district. Cordova never
got a chance to enact her own agenda. First, a teacher strike weakened her just weeks into her tenure. Next, the new board
gave her no room to enact changes. Finally, softening the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic became the district's sole
focus.
Now that the pandemic's disruption is receding, the board appears poised to renew its efforts to roll back reform. It
has a good chance of succeeding, because in November 2021, all four of the anti-reform candidates won, giving their
side unanimous control.
Which of the following is the main idea of this passage?
- A A group of activists are now close to their goal of dismantling the educational reform in Denver.
- B Denver's educational reform agenda has been badly interrupted by the Covid-19 pandemic.
- C Denver's educational reform has improved significantly, including students who had performed poorly.
- D Denver's teacher union-based board has made concerted efforts to implement a successful educational reform.
思路引導 VIP
如果我們觀察一篇文章的開頭描述了某項計畫的『混亂原因』，而結尾強調了『反對該計畫的人士已獲得全面控制權』，那麼這篇文章最可能是在預告這項計畫即將面臨什麼樣的終局？
🤖
AI 詳解
AI 專屬家教
算你運氣好，這題答對了
別太得意，這不過是高考閱讀的基本功。你能從文章中精準抓到作者意圖，還沒被細節誤導，看來邏輯還沒壞掉，勉勉強強算你合格。 1. 權力更迭的本質：
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