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高等考試 115年 [一般民政] 法學知識與英文(包括中華民國憲法、法學緒論、英文)

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Denver's public schools' three-year plunge from one of the nation's most carefully planned and promising examples of public-education transformation into a district led by a school board in disarray has multiple causes, and there's plenty of blame to spread around. Ultimately, however, it is the result of a concerted effort over more than a decade by organized and committed activists, local and national, who have opposed changing the governance and operation of school districts in any significant way. The politics of public education in Denver have grown increasingly in school systems across the country. What distinguishes the conflict over reform in Denver is how unrelated it is to student outcomes. While Denver's reforms have been far from perfect, they merit the national attention they've drawn. A growing body of evidence makes clear that outcomes for students in the city slowly yet significantly improved, including for students the district has historically failed to serve well. Yet as soon as Denver Public Schools took its initial steps toward reform \nless than two decades ago, an active opposition campaign arose, aimed not at moderating or improving the reforms, but at destroying them. In 2019, the election of three new anti-reform members to the Denver Board of Education flipped the board majority to that camp. Since the educational reform was launched in 2005, Denver's families and educators have embraced choice. The broad popularity of choice in Denver makes dismantling reform politically fraught for the board and its allies. In fact, the board has faced strong pushback from some parents and educators and has had to confront the complex reality of governing a district where choice, autonomy, and a focus on outcomes are now woven into the fabric of public education. But the union-supported board majority was determined to push ahead, and that meant cleaninghouse at the top. In fall 2020, Superintendent Susana Cordova resigned after less than two years on the job. Cordova is a Denver native and Denver Public Schools graduate who had spent most of her professional career working for the district. Cordova never got a chance to enact her own agenda. First, a teacher strike weakened her just weeks into her tenure. Next, the new board gave her no room to enact changes. Finally, softening the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic became the district's sole focus. Now that the pandemic's disruption is receding, the board appears poised to renew its efforts to roll back reform. It has a good chance of succeeding, because in November 2021, all four of the anti-reform candidates won, giving their side unanimous control.
According to the passage, which of the following is true about the opposition camp of Denver's educational
reform?
  • A They supported changing the governance and operation of school districts.
  • B They disagreed with the educational reform from the very beginning.
  • C They insisted on teacher choice and autonomy in the governance of schools.
  • D They gained full support from Denver's families and educators.

思路引導 VIP

若要判斷一個團體對某項政策的態度是「何時」開始的,你會在文章中尋找哪些關於「時間點」或「起始階段」的關鍵動詞與片語?

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反對陣營的立場與時機

恭喜你精準掌握了文章細節!在高考等級的閱讀測驗中,區分「改革派」與「反對派(opposition camp)」的立場是核心解題關鍵。文中第二段明確提到,當丹佛公立學校在不到 20 年前踏出改革的第一步時(took its initial steps),反對運動便隨即興起(an active opposition campaign arose),且其目的並非修正改革,而是為了摧毀改革(aimed at destroying them)。這項描述完美印證了選項 (B) 的論點:反對者從改革伊始便持否定態度,並非中途轉向。

考點與難度切入點

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