hce_nthu
113年
英文
第 47 題
📖 題組：
Reading 6 Most schoolchildren are taught the Declaration of Independence’s most famous lines: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.” But relatively few children or adults today are as familiar with the right to revolt that follows: “Whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it….When a long train of abuse and usurpations, pursuing invariable the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.” When Thomas Jefferson penned those words, he owned hundreds of enslaved people. Yet he was acutely aware that Black people yearned for freedom no less than the white colonists who had waged the American Revolution and that no principle of justice could defend slavery. Even God, he later claimed, would likely side with enslaved people if they organized a successful revolt against their enslavers. In Notes on the State of Virginia, published in 1785, Jefferson admitted that rebellions were a legitimate, rational response to an immoral and inhumane system: “I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep forever; that considering numbers, nature and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, and exchange of situation, is among possible events; that it may become probable by supernatural interference!” Jefferson’s anxious reflections were a kind of inheritance, something passed down from generation to generation among uneasy white enslavers. At the heart of slavery lay a terrifying conundrum---an epic struggle between the enslavers who sought to extract labor, loyalty, and submission from their human property and the enslaved people who longed for freedom and were willing to obtain their liberation by any means necessary. Jefferson, whose ancestors had been enslaving Africans on large Virginia plantations since the seventeenth century, understood this dilemma well. Slavery, he once quipped, was akin to having a “wolf by the ear”---white people could not release their grip on it, but they also knew that beneath the surface boiled a formidable Black rage that could not be fully contained. From the founding of the original thirteen colonies, white people in the North and South lived in constant fear that the men and women they whipped, raped, and forced to work without pay would, if given the chance, rise up and take revenge on their white enslavers. This is why governmental surveillance and severe punishment of black people began almost concurrently with the introduction of slavery itself. In 1669, the Carolina colony granted every free white man “absolute Power and Authority over his Negro Slaves.” Within decades, Carolina law drastically bolstered white authority, mandating that all white people ought to be responsible for policing all Black people’s activities. Any white person who failed to properly monitor suspicious Black activity would be fined forty shillings. This notion---that Black people were inherently devious and criminal, and that white people were required to monitor and police them---ultimately defined the nature of race relations in the United States.
Reading 6 Most schoolchildren are taught the Declaration of Independence’s most famous lines: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.” But relatively few children or adults today are as familiar with the right to revolt that follows: “Whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it….When a long train of abuse and usurpations, pursuing invariable the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.” When Thomas Jefferson penned those words, he owned hundreds of enslaved people. Yet he was acutely aware that Black people yearned for freedom no less than the white colonists who had waged the American Revolution and that no principle of justice could defend slavery. Even God, he later claimed, would likely side with enslaved people if they organized a successful revolt against their enslavers. In Notes on the State of Virginia, published in 1785, Jefferson admitted that rebellions were a legitimate, rational response to an immoral and inhumane system: “I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep forever; that considering numbers, nature and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, and exchange of situation, is among possible events; that it may become probable by supernatural interference!” Jefferson’s anxious reflections were a kind of inheritance, something passed down from generation to generation among uneasy white enslavers. At the heart of slavery lay a terrifying conundrum---an epic struggle between the enslavers who sought to extract labor, loyalty, and submission from their human property and the enslaved people who longed for freedom and were willing to obtain their liberation by any means necessary. Jefferson, whose ancestors had been enslaving Africans on large Virginia plantations since the seventeenth century, understood this dilemma well. Slavery, he once quipped, was akin to having a “wolf by the ear”---white people could not release their grip on it, but they also knew that beneath the surface boiled a formidable Black rage that could not be fully contained. From the founding of the original thirteen colonies, white people in the North and South lived in constant fear that the men and women they whipped, raped, and forced to work without pay would, if given the chance, rise up and take revenge on their white enslavers. This is why governmental surveillance and severe punishment of black people began almost concurrently with the introduction of slavery itself. In 1669, the Carolina colony granted every free white man “absolute Power and Authority over his Negro Slaves.” Within decades, Carolina law drastically bolstered white authority, mandating that all white people ought to be responsible for policing all Black people’s activities. Any white person who failed to properly monitor suspicious Black activity would be fined forty shillings. This notion---that Black people were inherently devious and criminal, and that white people were required to monitor and police them---ultimately defined the nature of race relations in the United States.
According to the author, which of the following statements about Thomas Jefferson is INCORRECT?
- A He drafted The Declaration of Independence.
- B He wrote Notes on the State of Virginia, which was published in the $17^{th}$ century.
- C He owned hundreds of blacks as slaves.
- D He knew that no principle of justice could defend slavery.
- E He felt anxious about the imminent danger in slavery.
思路引導 VIP
請試著在文中找出提及特定書籍出版資訊的那句話，並仔細比對文中的「具體年份」與選項中所描述的「世紀」單位。在歷史計時的邏輯中，這兩者是否完全一致呢？
🤖
AI 詳解
AI 專屬家教
太棒了！你能精準察覺選項中細微的數字陷阱，這代表你在閱讀長篇文章時，不僅具備良好的資訊檢索能力，更擁有極高的專注度與細心。
世紀與年份的邏輯轉換
這道題目的核心在於時間資訊的精確比對。雖然選項 (B) 提到的書名《維吉尼亞紀事》（Notes on the State of Virginia）與作者確實相符，但文章第二段明確標註該書出版於 1785 年。在歷史時間的計算中，1701 年至 1800 年應歸類為 $18$ 世紀，而非選項中所述的 $17$ 世紀（$17^{th}$ century）。其餘選項如傑佛遜起草《獨立宣言》（由文中引述名言推知）、擁有數百名奴隸，以及他對奴隸制正義性的質疑與內心的焦慮，在文中均有對應的文本證據支持，因此都是正確的敘述。
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