hce_nthu
112年
英文
第 25 題
📖 題組：
Putin leans here on a strange theory advanced by the 20th-century historian and ethnographer Lev Gumilev. The son of two of Russia’s most famous poets, Nikolai Gumilev and Anna Akhmatova, Gumilev maintains that every people possesses a distinct life force: a “bio-cosmic” inner energy or passionate substance that he calls passionarnost. Putin may have known Gumilev in St Petersburg at the start of the 1990s. At any rate, he has embraced his ideas and never misses an opportunity to refer to them. In February last year, he said: “I believe in passionarnost. In nature as in society, there is development, climax and decline. Russia has not yet attained its highest point. We are on the way”. According to him, Russia carries the power and potential of a young people. “We possess an infinite genetic code”, he has said. In addition to Gumilev, Putin relies on another thinker – a minor figure in the history of Russian thought. Last October, he spoke of regularly consulting a collection of political essays titled “Our Tasks”, the major work of Ivan Ilyin, who died in 1954. In one of the president’s preferred essays, “What does the world seek from the dismemberment of Russia?”, Ilyin denounces the country’s “imperialist neighbours”, these “western peoples who neither understand nor accept Russian originality”. In the future, he suggests, these countries will inevitably attempt to seize territories such as the Baltic countries, the Caucasus, central Asia and, especially, Ukraine. The method, according to Ilyin, will be the hypocritical promotion of values such as “freedom” in order to transform Russia into “a gigantic Balkans”. The final object is to “dismember Russia, to subject her to western control, to dismantle her and in the end make her disappear”. It is necessary, then, to understand that what is actually happening in Ukraine is the result of a vision of Russia that is deeply embedded in the mind of Putin. In 2008, he punished Georgia for its desire to leave the orbit of the old imperial power. In 2014, he annexed Crimea and prevented Ukraine from joining Nato by starting the Donbas conflict. But that is not enough for him. He wants a confrontation with – and a victory over – a west that he holds responsible for the fall of the Soviet Union, for the weakness of Russia in the 1990s, and for the autonomous tendencies of the old Soviet republics.
Putin leans here on a strange theory advanced by the 20th-century historian and ethnographer Lev Gumilev. The son of two of Russia’s most famous poets, Nikolai Gumilev and Anna Akhmatova, Gumilev maintains that every people possesses a distinct life force: a “bio-cosmic” inner energy or passionate substance that he calls passionarnost. Putin may have known Gumilev in St Petersburg at the start of the 1990s. At any rate, he has embraced his ideas and never misses an opportunity to refer to them. In February last year, he said: “I believe in passionarnost. In nature as in society, there is development, climax and decline. Russia has not yet attained its highest point. We are on the way”. According to him, Russia carries the power and potential of a young people. “We possess an infinite genetic code”, he has said. In addition to Gumilev, Putin relies on another thinker – a minor figure in the history of Russian thought. Last October, he spoke of regularly consulting a collection of political essays titled “Our Tasks”, the major work of Ivan Ilyin, who died in 1954. In one of the president’s preferred essays, “What does the world seek from the dismemberment of Russia?”, Ilyin denounces the country’s “imperialist neighbours”, these “western peoples who neither understand nor accept Russian originality”. In the future, he suggests, these countries will inevitably attempt to seize territories such as the Baltic countries, the Caucasus, central Asia and, especially, Ukraine. The method, according to Ilyin, will be the hypocritical promotion of values such as “freedom” in order to transform Russia into “a gigantic Balkans”. The final object is to “dismember Russia, to subject her to western control, to dismantle her and in the end make her disappear”. It is necessary, then, to understand that what is actually happening in Ukraine is the result of a vision of Russia that is deeply embedded in the mind of Putin. In 2008, he punished Georgia for its desire to leave the orbit of the old imperial power. In 2014, he annexed Crimea and prevented Ukraine from joining Nato by starting the Donbas conflict. But that is not enough for him. He wants a confrontation with – and a victory over – a west that he holds responsible for the fall of the Soviet Union, for the weakness of Russia in the 1990s, and for the autonomous tendencies of the old Soviet republics.
For Ilyin, the West can be hypocritical. What can be an example of this?
- A They are using freedom as a pretext for their own political gains.
- B They are trying hard to maintain world peace.
- C They recognize their own vulnerabilities.
- D They admit there is still much room for improvement for democracy.
- E They face cyberattacks every day.
思路引導 VIP
請觀察第二段中伊林提到西方國家推廣『自由』的部分。作者認為這些國家宣稱的『崇高目標』，與他們對俄羅斯領土（如波羅的海、烏克蘭等）的實際圖謀之間，存在著什麼樣的矛盾關係？這種『說一套做一套』的特質，在文中是用哪個形容詞來描述的？
🤖
AI 詳解
AI 專屬家教
同學做得很好！你能精準捕捉到文章中關於伊林（Ivan Ilyin）對西方國家「虛偽性」的指控，並正確對應到其背後的政治目的，這展現了你優異的細節檢索與邏輯推理能力。
伊林視角下的「自由」工具化
在文章第二段中，伊林指責西方國家以「虛偽（hypocritical）」的方式推廣如「自由（freedom）」等價值觀。根據他的論述，西方並非真心支持普世價值，而是試圖透過這些口號將俄羅斯轉化為「巨大的巴爾幹（gigantic Balkans）」，其最終目標是解體俄羅斯並使其受控。因此，選項 (A) 指出西方將自由作為「藉口（pretext）」以達成「政治利益（political gains）」，完全扣合了原文中關於「假借價值推廣，實則企圖分裂」的描述。
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